Hassan and his father are ethnically Hazaran, an Afgan minority, which like in the book face discrimination. The Hazara people were first mentioned in the 16th century by Babur, emperor of the Mughal Empire, as the people of mixed Mongolian descent living west of Kabul. This mountainous region is known as Hazarajat and maintained autonomy until in the late 19th century when the Emir of Afghanistan began a harsh campaign for the subjugation of the Hazara. This discrimination plagued the Hazara, who revolted several times, until it cumulated in the late 90s Taliban policy of open ethnic cleansing. The Taliban also isolated the Hazarajat region from access to the rest of the world including UN aid. Since the fall of the Taliban, the Hazara have enjoyed unprecedented equal liberties, yet discrimination still lingers.
The Hazara are Shiites and the third largest ethnic group in the predominantly Sunni Afghanistan. They speak a Persian dialect known as Hazaragi. The Hazara are generally highland farmers whose traditions resemble those of Central Asian peoples. Hazara kinship is organized in lineages; descent is traced through the male line. The males in a specific area consider themselves descendants of a common ancestor. Although memory of tribal lineages traditionally extended back seven or eight generations, people probably remember no more than half that number today. Leading men within a village resolve any social conflicts by consensus. The Hazara prefer to marry first cousins on their father's side, as is the Muslim practice. Hazara seldom marry outsiders, and, when they do, it is usually women who are given to men of other groups. The children of such unions are not usually considered Hazara.
Tribal authority was formerly vested in mirs or khanates, but, after the Hazara-Afghan war of 1891, Hazara power was weakened. There are two kinds of political leaders today, the khanawada, or khan, and the araab or malek. The khanawada's influence is based on personal wealth, kinship, and social alliances. The araab is an appointed representative. Holders of these positions are generally relatives and allies. The Hazara have come along way in recent history, in fact a Hazara even ran for president in the 2004 Afgani Presidential Elections.
The Hazara are Shiites and the third largest ethnic group in the predominantly Sunni Afghanistan. They speak a Persian dialect known as Hazaragi. The Hazara are generally highland farmers whose traditions resemble those of Central Asian peoples. Hazara kinship is organized in lineages; descent is traced through the male line. The males in a specific area consider themselves descendants of a common ancestor. Although memory of tribal lineages traditionally extended back seven or eight generations, people probably remember no more than half that number today. Leading men within a village resolve any social conflicts by consensus. The Hazara prefer to marry first cousins on their father's side, as is the Muslim practice. Hazara seldom marry outsiders, and, when they do, it is usually women who are given to men of other groups. The children of such unions are not usually considered Hazara.
Tribal authority was formerly vested in mirs or khanates, but, after the Hazara-Afghan war of 1891, Hazara power was weakened. There are two kinds of political leaders today, the khanawada, or khan, and the araab or malek. The khanawada's influence is based on personal wealth, kinship, and social alliances. The araab is an appointed representative. Holders of these positions are generally relatives and allies. The Hazara have come along way in recent history, in fact a Hazara even ran for president in the 2004 Afgani Presidential Elections.